It appears that if nuclear war does not destroy Western Europe, race suicide will. In 1800, Europe had 20 percent of the world's population. Today it has 9 percent. Unless the increasing demographic imbalance is radically corrected, it will have 4 percent in 2075. ... Bangladesh, a miasma of poverty and ignorance, now produces more babies annually than all Western Europe.
God may be dead, as it was once announced that Great Pan was dead, and as many twentieth-century churchmen, echoing the wishful thinking of Nietzsche, proclaim. But the religious instinct is very much alive. Though science is a long way from confirming it, it often seems that men are born with a religious gene. There may have been an alarming decrease in the spiritual magnetism and uplift of formal religion in modern times, but men have made up for it by shifting their innate religiosity to more mundane creeds - democracy, liberalism, capitalism, nationalism, fascism, socialism, and communism. If an abundance of saints, devils, martyrs, and prophets is a sign of religious zeal, the twentieth century ought to rank as the most religious of all centuries. Never since the days of Rome have so many heads of state, both living and dead, been deified or diabolized on such a grand scale. Belief in the old gods may be flickering, but belief in the more worldly deities of the present is laser bright.
Chapter 19, p. 261
Is it not incredible that the largest American population group, the group with the deepest roots, the most orderly and most technically proficient group, the nuclear population group of American culture and of the American gene pool, should have lost its preeminence to weaker, less established, less numerous, culturally heterogeneous, and often mutually hostile minorities?
With all due allowance for minority dynamism ... this miraculous shift of power could never have taken place without a Majority "split in the ranks" - without the active assistance and participation of Majority members themselves. It has already been pointed out that race consciousness is one of mankind's greatest binding forces. From this it follows that when the racial gravitational pull slackens people tend to spin off from the group nucleus. Some drift aimlessly through life as human isolates. Others look for a substitute nucleus in an intensified religious or political life, or in an expanded class consciousness. Still others, out of idealism, romanticism, inertia, or perversity, attach themselves to another race in an attempt to find the solidarity they miss in their own.
Chapter 11, p. 100
When economics becomes a sacred cow, it also becomes a Trojan Horse. The only true measure of any given economic system is its ability to prime the environment for the maximum expansion of people's creativity. To measure economics any other way, to allow economics to degenerate into the peevish little dogmas which at present disarm Majority resistance is to hasten the economic breakdown that the liberal-minority coalition awaits with bated breath.
Chapter 25, "The Biology of Revolution", pp. 368-369
The military-industrial complex is merely one of many semantical bugbears - an updated version of bourgeois exploiter, capitalist monster, economic royalist, Zurich gnome, Wall Street bloodsucker, fascist, Nazi, and other liberal and Marxist pejoratives - which are intended to divide the Majority into classes, into rich and poor, business and labor, advantaged and disadvantaged. It is all part of the grand ploy of assigning man to economic instead of genetic categories, a very handy and very effective strategy for minorities who wish to overcome majorities.
Labor leaders know better than anyone that the most direct route to the human heart is the appeal to self-interest, which in the best union tradition includes both the carrot of the pay raise and the stick of joblessness. They also know there is a bit of the proletarian in everyone and that their job is to maximize it and bring it to the surface. What they do not know, or pretend not to know, is that when man is reduced to economic man he loses the major part of his humanity.
On the surface taxation is a means of defraying the cost of government and - in these latter days of the Keynesian age - of regulating the economy. Beneath the surface, taxation is a means of capturing and keeping control of the state, of choosing the occupants of the seats of power. In the past it was the habit of the conquerors of a nation to exempt themselves from taxation and place the tax burden squarely on the subjugated population. Taxation, consequently, was the price of defeat. With the coming of economic and social democracy, little has changed. The purpose of taxation has been extended from the tapping of wealth to its equalization and redistribution. Not surprisingly these new tax functions, which under the name of "tax reform" have presented Americans with a soaring tax bill, have had a peculiar attraction for the liberal-minority coalition.
Chapter 27, "The Fiscal Battlefront", p. 379
The historical sequence of human communities seems to be race-building, nation-building, art-building, and empire-building. As the country moves closer to imperialism, the people move farther apart. The binding forces of the state are weakened by war, civil strife, and entropy, as the cultural shell is penetrated by outsiders. The aristocracy withdraws into an isolated decadence, its place taken by a plutocracy. Members of the once dominant population group mix with the newcomers and in order to compete are forced to adopt many of their habits. Art becomes multiracial, multinational, multidirectional, and multifarious.
Chapter 18, p. 243
Great drama, which usually incorporates great poetry, is the rarest form of great art. Art critics and historians have been at some loss to explain why great plays have appeared so infrequently in history and then only in clusters - fifth-century (B.C.) Athens, late sixteenth and early seventeenth-century England, seventeenth-century Spain and France. The answer may be that conditions for great drama are only ripe when artist and audience are in biological as well as linguistic rapport. Such rapport, unfortunately, is bound to be short-lived because the era of great drama is usually accompanied by large-scale economic and material advances which tend to soften national character, sharpen class divisions, and attract extraneous racial and cultural elements from abroad. To the great playwright a heterogeneous or divided audience is no audience at all.
Chapter 18, p. 242
Like the promoters of the Melting Pot, the salesmen of pluralism have misread history, which teaches that pluralistic societies are decadent, caste-ridden and a standing invitation to disorder and disaster. Historically disoriented, the voices of pluralism make contradictory noises. The proponents of the Mosaic concept are opposed to racism in theory, but support minority racism in practice. They uphold group identity, but demand integration at the workplace, in the schoolroom, on the playing field, in the neighborhood, even in the private club. They approve of racial quotas but are against racial discrimination.
Chapter 7, p. 56
But while liberalism still rules the country's thinking in the matter of social policy, it has little control over the organic processes of society. As a tribesman, the Negro was a member of the tribal family. As a slave, he had his master's family. As a sharecropper, he had his own family. As an industrial peon or one of the hard-core unemployed, he has no family at all, since the present welfare system provides financial sweeteners for fatherless households and for each illegitimate child. The upshot is that the urban Negro has now reached an impasse where he has little left but his color and sense of oppression. Having lost his hearth, his roots, his religion, and his way, he is rapidly losing the few social commitments he still retains.
Chapter 17, pp. 233-234
The mind feeds voraciously on dogma because human beings hunger for some system of thought, some frame of reference, with which to view the world. Only a very few lonely souls have the stamina, courage, and wisdom to develop their own beliefs from independent observation. And there are fewer every day. The farther the frontiers of knowledge are pushed outward, the more elusive this knowledge becomes and the farther it moves beyond the individual's grasp. Desperate for truth, ravaged by doubt, even the best minds home in on dogma, the great enemy of doubt, which is always willing, but seldom qualified, to fill the intellectual void.
Chapter 21, p. 307
The classical conservative upholds the mystique of authority and rank in society. He is an aristocrat by birth, anti-democratic by nature, and his principal concerns are family, race, and continuity. To him the chain is more important than the links. He perceives the divine afflatus in man, but he also recognizes the odds against which it is working. He places the collective wisdom of the species (folkways and institutions) above the wisdom of governments and individuals (laws and politics).
Chapter 24, "Conservatism Redifined", p. 342
Before he was allowed a nationwide platform the modern conservative had to demonstrate that he was a member of the loyal opposition, that on the "sensitive" issues he was of one mind with the liberal himself. No public manifestation of classical conservatism - i.e., no forthright attack against democracy and minority racism - would be tolerated. If the fires of minority illiberalism and minority racism could not be quenched by modest, low-decibel appeals for decorum, they were to be left raging. The only notes of dissension permitted the modern conservative were the safe ones. He could be more rever- ent towards big business, property, patriotism, religion, government decentralization, and law and order. He could be more critical of socialism, Marxism, Castro, overregulation, labor unions, and budget deficits. But the permissible differences were differences in degree, not in kind. On the larger issues, the issues behind the issues, modern liberalism and modern conservatism were often becoming synonymous.
Chapter 24, "Conservatism Redifined", p. 346
In 1921 the British Empire had 524,000.000 inhabitants. In 1966, when the Colonial Office was closed down, Britain had only twenty-one overseas possessions left, most of them remote islands, and the total number of people living under the Union Jack was 56,000,000.
Chapter 32, "The United States and Western Europe", p. 465
Liberals and the far-left
It is no secret that liberals are fonder of mankind than man. The tragic view of life - the struggle of one man, not mass man, against the irreversibility of fate - does not fit easily into liberal thought. Nor does patriotism. While the average American looks upon the United States as his country - no more, no less - the liberal prefers to regard it as a repository of liberal principles.
Chapter 23, "The Metamorphosis of Liberalism", p. 335
In the very largest and broadest sense, the metamorphosis of liberalism signifies the transformation of an intraracial struggle for individual rights and liberty into an interracial struggle for power. The struggle is a total one. It encompasses every domain of American endeavor, from the lowest levels of brutishness to the highest levels of art, religion, education, and philosophy.
Chapter 23, "The Metamorphosis of Liberalism", p. 339
The metamorphosis of liberalism takes place when the normal defenses of society are lowered, when the euphoria and exultation of conquest, settlement, and nation-building give way to the racelessness and mindlessness which are the bitter fruits of a task well done.
If the Marxists' prayerfully awaited proletarian revolution ever breaks out in the United States, it will not be because of the hardening of class divisions or capitalist exploitation, but because of the heterogeneity of the American population, the racism of minority elements within this population, and the deracination of the American Majority. The order of battle is already drawn up. On the revolutionary side of the barricades will be the fire-breathing militants of the Unassimilable Minorities, the less assimilated leaders of the Assimilable Minorities, and the more desperate and more compromised Majority liberals. On the counterrevolutionary side will be the Majority core and the assimilated minorities. As in all revolutions most of the population will assume or try to assume a very low and very neutral profile.
Chapter 25, "The Biology of Revolution", pp. 367-368
Recent history has proved that the United States can only be aroused to a proper fighting pitch when the war objectives correspond to the goals of the liberal-minority coalition. Unless such "objectives" can be established or invented, the media are likely to remain indifferent or even hostile. If North Vietnam had had a fascist dictator instead of the patriarchal "Uncle Ho," if it had mistreated Jews and Negroes instead of Vietnamese peasants, the theater of operations would have been extended to North Vietnam and the war quickly won. The American experience in Korea had already demonstrated the coldness and opposition of left-wing and minority intellectuals to a conflict which did not have the proper ideological ingredients.
Chapter 34, "The United States and the Far East", pp. 491-492
The racial motivations of the minority scientists who conceived and produced the A-bomb were made perfectly clear after the war when Oppenheimer, the most influential American nuclear physicist, attempted to stop the development of the H-bomb at the very moment the Russians had begun a crash program to build their own. Oppenheimer explained his change of heart by appealing to established liberal and pacifist principles. He was determined, he said, to give up "the devil's work." But since he and practically all his colleagues had been pacifists, liberals, and even ultraliberals before the appearance of Hitler, their second change of heart within a decade could more logically be attributed to a change of enemy. That Oppenheimer would have been so diligent about building bombs if Hitler had not been anti-Semitic, and so quick to give up his bomb work if he had not had the typical minority intellectual's soft spot for Marxism, is open to doubt.
Chapter 38, "Nuclear Hypnosis", pp. 543-544
Since the nuclear policy of the liberal-minority coalition is not as selflessly humanitarian as it pretends, further shifts and reverses may be expected. Let Russian commissars start imitating the pogroms of the czars, let there be the glimmerings of an Israeli Dunkirk in Palestine, let white South Africans rise up and carve out an independent homeland, let a Fascist movement make some headway anywhere in the West, let any one of these events occur and the disarmament lobbyists will quickly drop their pacifist masks and be the first to demand the thermonuclear incineration of the "enemy."
Chapter 38, "Nuclear Hypnosis", p. 549
Modern liberalism, of course, does not admit to being racist. On the contrary it pretends to be antiracist. But every word it speaks, every policy it supports, every program it publicizes, every cause it underwrites, every piece of legislation it introduces is likely to have some direct or tenuous racial connotation.
Political democracy began as a means of protecting property, whereas economic democracy seeks to distribute it, and social democracy encourages its theft.
Democracy only works well when it is the rule of a people, not several peoples.
Chapter 22, "The Three Phases of Democracy", p. 331
Perhaps more than any other American, Thomas Jefferson must assume the responsibility for loading American democracy with the ambiguity and cant that have pursued it down the years. When one of the largest slave owners in Virginia solemnly writes, "all Men are created equal," either his semantics or his integrity must be questioned. What Jefferson and most other signers of the Declaration of Independence meant by equality was that English colonists had the same natural right to self-government as the English in the mother country. But that is not what was written. And it is what was written that, carried forward to the present century and used in another context, has proved to be such an effective time bomb in the hands of those who advocate projects and policies totally antithetical to Jeffersonian democracy.
Chapter 22, "The Three Phases of Democracy", p. 320
Like political and economic democracy, social democracy is not new. But it comes last in the cycle of democratic growth (or decay). Because it capitalizes on the deeper, instinctive undercurrents of human behavior, its historical manifestations are not always easy to recognize and do not often penetrate conventional history books. Its theoretical genesis, however, is not difficult to trace, being a composite of the religious concept of the brotherhood of man, Lockean and Jeffersonian assertions about human rights, Marxist class agitation, and the pronouncements of modern anthropologists and sociologists concerning human sameness.
Chapter 22, "The Three Phases of Democracy", p. 328
One of the great roadblocks in the way of stabilizing the Middle East has been the behavior of the American media. In 1967 the press and television gave conclusive proof of their cringing Zionist bias by soft-pedaling the deliberate Israeli assault on the Liberty, an unarmed American communications ship. Thirty-four Americans were killed and 171 wounded in repeated bomb, rocket, napalm, and torpedo attacks on a bright, sunlit day while the easily identifiable ship was flying an oversize American flag. After the facts had come to light, not more than one or two important public figures raised their voices in protest, a strange and unique silence in a nation which used to be so concerned with the freedom of the seas and the safety of its shipping. The sinking of the Maine in Havana harbor in 1898 was a casus belli. The attack on the Chesapeake, which cost only three American lives, led to Jefferson's embargo on all foreign commerce. The sinking of the British-owned Lusitania, which carried 139 Americans to the bottom, almost brought about a declaration of war against Germany. The 1937 sinking of the American gunboat, Panay, by Japanese fighter planes in Chinese waters and the 1968 capture of the USS Pueblo by North Koreans provoked serious crises in American relations with the two countries involved. But a direct attack against an American naval vessel by a foreign nation in 1967 produced neither indignation nor retaliation.
The concept of American education as a denationalized data bank whose deposits belong to everyone and should be passed on by everyone to everyone is not very realistic - especially in a world where most nations have a totally different idea of the learning process. Communist China and capitalist Germany hold fast to the old fashioned view that the job of education is to strengthen the state and that all instruction, a Marxist euphemism for indoctrination, should ultimately be directed towards that end.
Chapter 18, p. 301
Like most established institutions, the American system of education was the outgrowth of a specific concrescence of people, environment, and history. To suppose this system would function efficiently, under strikingly different conditions for strikingly different ethnic groups is asking man to construct timeless macrocosms out of ephemeral microcosms. A multi-racial state, especially one that both permits and advocates cultural pluralism, would logically require a multiracial educational program, not only because population groups differ in learning capacities but because they also differ in learning goals. To force-feed minority and Majority students alike on a thin, curricular soup consisting of one part liberal dogma, one part Majority belittlement, and one part minority mythology is to provide little educational nourishment for anyone.
Chapter 18, p. 303
All in all, the great failure of a heterogeneous school system can be traced to its inability to stress effectively the morale-building aspects of education. There is no higher incentive for learning than the self-esteem that flows spontaneously from the awareness of a great past - an awareness that does not come from guidelines published by the Department of Education or from sterilized textbooks designed to please everyone and educate no one.
The kind of learning that prepares a people to prevail and endure must be primed by centuries of common history and millennia of common ancestry. Desegregation kills it by destroying its binding force - the homogeneity of teacher and pupil. The disappearance of this vital bond from the American classroom may prove to be the greatest educational tragedy of all.
Chapter 18, p. 304
Race / Racial Realities
The belief that every man belongs to a distinct human breed is the bugbear of social anthropologists and a challenge to physical anthropologists who have been trying to eradicate such "loose thinking" by coming up with a more rigorous definition of race.
Man is the amalgam of his physiological inheritance and his sociological acquisitions. He can shed the latter but not the former. He can give up his religion, his country, and his culture. He cannot give up his race.
In one respect racism is a form of group morale. It provides a protective psychological shell for the most defenseless and defensive peoples. ... In the course of promoting tribalism in both the most retarded and most advanced nations, racism makes the modern industrial state with its sophisticated technology a fearsome opponent. Everything else being equal - manpower, industrial plant, scientific proficiency, and natural resources - a racist state can muster a deadlier military force than a nonracist state. Since families have more fighting spirit than less closely related groups, when war breaks out the tribe or race will often act as the extension of the family. Death comes easier to those who believe they are dying for their people as well as for their country. The soldier with only a modicum of race consciousness may have more difficulty being brave. Conscientious objectors, pacifists, and draft evaders are in short supply in racially oriented societies.
Chapter 2, p. 9
To the racial historian race is the being and the becoming of organized humanity. As race has been the controlling factor of the human past, so it will be in the future. Man's fate has now become the world's fate. Supreme efforts are necessary to put a stop to the devastation of the environment - and supreme efforts can only be undertaken by large groups of men with similar political and social reflexes, by great teams not great mobs, specifically by great races. Race, the highest manifestation of the team spirit, may be nature's way of organizing men for the accomplishment of the unaccomplishable.
Chapter 39, "Northern European Ingathering", p. 556
Fiscal policies are not the expressions or trademarks of an economic system. They are the expressions of how different peoples measure the input they expect to give society and the output they expect to receive. When the work force in Detroit was of European descent, the American automobile industry led the world in motor car production. As the work force darkened, as accountants, attorneys and government regulators replaced entrepreneurs and engineers as CEOs, the lead passed to the Germans and Japanese.
Chapter 27, "The Fiscal Battlefront", p. 387
The unemployment problem, consequently, has social as well as economic roots. It may also have genetic roots. All too many of the "disadvantaged" in America have always been "disadvantaged" in whatever countries they happened to live. To permit and even to encourage this indigent class to reproduce at a much faster rate than the Majority is simply to compound the relief crisis and force the allocation of an ever greater share of the gross national product to nonproducers.
Chapter 27, "The Fiscal Battlefront", p. 385
Even conceding that a full-scale nuclear war would annihilate the entire population of Europe, North America, and Asia, any one country such as New Zealand or Al,lStralia would be quite able to carry on twentieth-century civilization with scarcely an interruption. When it is remembered that the population of Athens was only 130,000 in the Age of Pericles, human quality would seem to be a more basic ingredient of civilization than human quantity. In fact, a cynic or a hardened social Darwinist might say that a nuclear war could actually aid civilization by destroying or curbing the non-nuclear but equally dangerous threats to mankind: the urban blight, the excessive industrialization, the exponential birthrate of the genetically impoverished, and the many other ecological and dysgenic disasters of the present era.
Chapter 38, "Nuclear Hypnosis", p. 548
As the twentieth century winds down, the race best suited to shoulder the main weight of the evolutionary burden would appear to be the Northern European. Equally adept at physics and metaphysics, induction and deduction, theory and application, equally at home in the macrocosm and the microcosm, Northern European man has managed to soar a little higher above the animal kingdom than the other divisions of mankind. For the time being, two devastating intraracial wars in the first half of the century and the dispossession of the American Majority, the largest stockpile of Northern European genes, have grounded him. Permanently or temporarily, it is too early to tell.
Chapter 39, "Northern European Ingathering", pp. 556-557
Because of crime's genetic component, crime prevention should start in the home or, more properly, in the bedroom.
Chapter 30, "The Minority Underground", p. 443
Different races and population groups seem to have different propensities for crime - the Negro for crimes of violence, the Mediterranean for crimes of passion, the Jew for financial crimes. Generally speaking, the unassimilated or partly assimilated have less of a built-in crime deterrent because they have fewer emotional and personal attachments to the state and to the law of the state.
Chapter 30, "The Minority Underground", p. 424
Throughout his life and career the minority-conscious artist identifies with one group of Americans - his group. In so doing he will frequently attack the Majority and Northern European cultural tradition for the simple reason that Majority America is not his America. The Puritans are reduced to witch-hunters, reactionary pietists, and holier-than-thou bigots. The antebellum and postbellum South is turned into a vast concentration camp. The giants of industry are described as robber barons. The earliest pioneers and settlers are typecast as specialists in genocide. The police are "pigs." Majority members are "goys, rednecks, honkies," or just plain "beasts."
Chapter 18, p. 254
The communications media and principal academic forums being largely closed to him, the Majority artist has no adequate defense against the blistering minority assaults on his culture. He must avoid praising his own people as a people - and he must avoid castigating other peoples, particularly the more dynamic minorities. The minority artist, on the other hand, wears no such cultural straitjacket. He freely praises whom he likes and freely damns whom he dislikes, both as individuals and as groups. The Majority artist, with a narrower choice of heroes and villains, has a narrower choice of theme. Lacking the drive and brute force of minority racism, Majority art tends to become bland, innocuous, emotionless, sterile, and boring. Forbidden to explore the text and context of his collective consciousness, the Majority artist retreats to surrealism, science fiction, murder mysteries, fantasy, travel guides, and pornography. In the process he becomes the punching bag of the minority activist, who views "man's essential struggle as social, against other men, rather than the moral one against himself."
Chapter 18, pp. 257-258